While Zeldin’s law-and-order campaign made inroads among once-blue Asian, Jewish and Latino voters, black voters were Hochul’s bulwark in southeast Queens, downtown Brooklyn, Harlem and parts of the Bronx, the analysis found.
Hochul garnered an astounding 90 percent or more of the vote in many of the city’s predominantly African-American and Afro-Caribbean areas — the same working- and middle-class voters who propelled Mayor Eric Adams last year.
“Oh, absolutely. Oh, sure the black community elected Kathy Hotchul governor,” said state Rep. Inez Dickens. In Dickens’ 70th Assembly District, residents cast 27,968 votes for Hochul and just 2,287 for Zeldin.
According to Dickens, Zeldin is too closely aligned with former President Donald Trump for black voters — and is not seen as a moderate in the mold of former three-term GOP governor George Pataki. Trump endorsed Zeldin just weeks before the Nov. 8 election.
“If Zeldin had been a Republican Pataki, he would have done better,” said the veteran Harlem politician. “He was considered a Trumper by black voters. That was a very, very big part of it.”
Black voters were reportedly more familiar with Hochul, as she visited many black neighborhoods. AFP via Getty Images
Here’s a revealing breakdown of the results in predominantly black areas:
In Queens Assembly District 29, which covers Laurelton, Rosedale, St. Albans and Springfield Gardens, Hochul garnered 22,280 votes to Zeldin’s 2,538.
In 32 AD (Jamaica South, Richmond Hill), Hotchul got 18,312 votes to Zeldin’s 2,176.
In 33 AD (Cambria Heights, Hollis, Queens Village, Bellerose) Hochul received 21,773 votes to Zeldin’s 3,691.
In Brooklyn AD 56 in Bedford-Stuyvesant, voters overwhelming Hochul with 25,289 votes to Zeldin’s 1,590.
In 55 AD covering Ocean Hill/Brownsville, Hochul garnered 15,774 votes to Zeldin’s 1,044.
In 57 AD in Fort Greene, Clinton Hill, Prospect Heights and Crown Heights, residents cast 34,642 votes for Hochul and 2,940 for Zeldin.
In 60 AD in East NY/Starrett City, Hochul received 17,588 votes to 1,774 for Zeldin.
Zeldin moved some districts with large Orthodox Jewish and Asian populations.Ron Adar / M10s / SplashNews.com
Queens Speaker Donovan Richards said, like other New Yorkers, black voters are concerned about crime — but the focus on locking people up comes across as “fear-mongering” and “dog whistling” without discussions about opportunities and youth programs for the discouragement of breaking the law.
“You can have justice and security at the same time,” Richards said. “We cannot police and imprison out of crime. There is a question of access to good jobs, housing and education.”
“Zeldin’s campaign reminded black voters of Trump,” he added.
Both Richards and Dickens pointed out that Hochul is well known in their communities, having visited regularly for years when he was lieutenant governor under former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who resigned last year amid allegations of sexual harassment and misconduct.
“Government Hotchul doesn’t need a GPS to know where south Queens is. She was a steady presence and attentive,” Richards said.
In Pataki’s view, it is a cruel irony that the emancipation party that freed blacks from slavery is now rejected by black voters. He said winning a statewide race will remain out of reach unless Republicans make at least some inroads with black voters.
“We need to do a much better approach,” Pataki said. “We need to be advocating on the streets in African-American (communities) every day — not just during elections — that our policies are better for them,” Pataki said.
Lee Zeldin was seen as a “Trumper” by many black voters. John Lamparski/Sipa USA
Blacks are disproportionately victims of crime, so the GOP’s push to tighten the cashless bail law should resonate as well as the party’s support for charter schools as an alternative to failing public schools, Pataki said.
Zeldin, shortly before and after the election, told The Post he’s proud to make inroads into minority communities, but said he’s becoming more competitive with black voters on a “long-term issue” the GOP must address.
“We’re seeing some shifting trends among some minority communities, so it’s possible that two or four years down the line, any of those groups will lean more to the right, especially if one-party rule in Albany continues to alienate those voters,” Zeldin said. . “If the issues we’ve been talking about during this campaign become even more widespread and in more desperate need of action, that just takes more votes away from Democrats.”
“So I would look to build on the number we got, just over 30,” he said. “But part of that has to do with direct outreach and building relationships. I would always encourage an earlier start to be able to build those relationships. And one of the other big factors is that there are certainly some trends that we’ve seen where certain groups may naturally vote more Republican in the future if they continue to be pushed in that direction by certain Democratic policies.”
Hotchul carried New York with 70% of the vote to Zeldin’s 30%, a margin he was unable to overcome despite winning nearly every other county in the state, including his Long Island home turf.
Zeldin did carry some of the city’s Assembly districts with large Orthodox Jewish and Asian populations, and he fared better in heavily Hispanic districts.
The Long Island lawmaker won conservative Staten Island 2-1 and carried six Assembly districts in southern Brooklyn and four in Queens — including the 40th AD.