He then canceled all his meetings on Monday, including the one aimed at launching his latest gadget, the majestic Refoundation Council. This is a typical Macronista guango in which lottery-winning citizens were destined to face leaders of NGOs, unions and businesses, chosen for their innocence, all to propose and then seal reforms decided by political leaders and real experts. . The board is unlikely to ever return to the surface. Instead, Macron is now consulting with party leaders on all sides – the very people he avoided during his first term. Most likely, he will not be able to form a coalition with even the most compatible of them, Les Républicains (LR), the old party of Jacques Chirac, who just two months ago disappeared when the presidential candidate, Valérie Pécresse, won only 4.8 percent of the vote. Now with 64 crucial MPs, the LR seems to have decided to stay in opposition and make Macron’s life difficult, instead of giving him the joy of returning to work as usual with a working majority. haggles each account and challenges its next budget. And they are beautiful. Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s 75 France Unbowed MPs Jeremy Corbyn and his smaller Socialist and Green allies will not sit together as a single party. but they have vowed to bring the “voices of the Yellow Vests” and the tactics, within the National Assembly. For a start, they plan to cast a no-confidence motion on July 5: they are unlikely to win it this time around, but they promise more. Meanwhile, the Marin Le Pen National Rally, which awaited a rally of 89 lawmakers (out of just eight) on Sunday as little as Macron expected defeat, is notorious for its parliamentary inaction. but he can rely on it to block almost any text he dislikes once he gets used to his new influence. Macron’s fatal mistake was to believe that the voters who elected him two months ago over Le Pen felt that it was the best choice for France or for them. A smart pilot, he was re-elected simply because it was the least bad choice. To aggravate the bitter taste in the mouths of many of his constituencies, he did not give any lively, hopeful speeches, neither on the night of his victory nor after. He elected an even more boring Prime Minister than his predecessor, Jean Castex: Elisabeth Borne, a dumb engineer who worked his way up the civil service to run a series of semi-public utilities between jobs as a consultant in socialist administrations. No wonder the French people resented being stuck with Macron, a man who remains at the heart of a top mandarin, expecting obedience from the cabinet and submission from his deputies. As long as things were going well enough and unemployment was falling, his high-waisted style was accepted. When it became pear-shaped, from the Yellow Vest uprising to the pandemic to the rising cost of living, its popularity plummeted. Incidents such as the Champions League scandal at the Stade de France have caused general resentment. Most politicians share the misconception that if they encounter a problematic incident, it will be okay if everything comes back to life as usual. This is a mistake. There is an invisible catholic where every defect of the past is recorded, whether it is gold wallpaper or a rogue assistant who imagines himself as an independent superintendent (the infamous Alexandre Benalla). When your voters decide to give you the boot, the catholic provides ready-made ammunition. France is a country stuck in a populist impasse. Five years ago, Macron was supposed to be the solution, beyond the parties, beyond the Left and the Right. The impending chaos in parliament (and most likely in the streets) is the result of his own personal failure. And things will only get worse for him – as the old saying goes, Hollywood is going to meet, falling down, the many, many, many people he despised as he ascended.
